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"Marriage sequel? Get approval!": Assam takes a firm stance on second marriages for government employees, mandating official approval regardless of religious allowances, CM Himanta Biswa Sarma emphasizes state's prerogative over personal laws
Guwahati/New Delhi: A recent directive from the Assam government has stipulated new guidelines concerning the marital decisions of its employees. Under the leadership of Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, the state has declared that Assam government employees are now required to obtain the government's consent if they wish to enter into a second marriage while their first spouse is still alive. This rule applies regardless of personal religious beliefs or customs that may permit multiple marriages.
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Chief Minister Sarma, while addressing the issue, emphasized the importance of the state's involvement in such decisions. He stated, "Even if a religion allows you to have a second marriage, then also you have to seek the state government's permission." Sarma refrained from singling out any particular community during his announcement, focusing instead on the overarching regulation itself.
This development underscores the Assam government's commitment to overseeing the personal and professional lives of its employees, aiming for a uniform approach irrespective of religious beliefs. It remains to be seen how this decision will be received among the diverse communities residing in Assam.
Continuing his address on the recent directive, Chief Minister Sarma shed light on some of the reasons behind the government's decision. He remarked, "We have seen cases where after the death of the employees, both wives fight for the husband's pension." This statement highlights the practical complications arising from multiple marriages, especially concerning the distribution of benefits post the employee's demise.
On October 20, the Assam government officially communicated these guidelines to its employees via an office memo. The memo clearly stated, "No Government servant who has a wife living shall contract another marriage without first obtaining the permission of the Government, notwithstanding that such subsequent marriage is permissible under the personal law for the time being applicable to him."
The order reiterates the state's stance on the matter, emphasizing that government approval is mandatory for any Assam government employee wishing to undertake a second marriage, even if their personal religious laws permit them to do so. This move showcases the government's intent to streamline administrative processes and mitigate potential disputes arising from dual marriages among its workforce.
Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma shares the state government’s latest directive to end polygamy among government employees. |
The recent directive from the Assam government isn't limited to male employees alone. The order, which was implemented with immediate effect, stated that female government employees are also subjected to the same rule. As per the decree, no woman government employee can marry if their husband is alive without first obtaining the government's permission. This move reflects the state's intention to ensure uniformity in its policies, irrespective of gender.
Earlier in the year, Chief Minister Sarma had vocalized the state's intent to curb the practice of polygamy. He expressed, "We want to ban polygamy immediately. We are planning to introduce the Bill in the next Assembly session in September, and if we are unable to do it for some reason, we will do it in the January session."
This earlier statement from Mr. Sarma now finds resonance in the recently released directive. The Assam government's move to regulate marital decisions of its employees, irrespective of gender, is a testament to its commitment to addressing the complexities associated with polygamy. As the state moves forward, the public and employees await the introduction of the proposed Bill and its implications for the broader community.
In a move demonstrating the Assam government's commitment to transparency and public involvement, Chief Minister Sarma, back in August, had reached out to the citizens, seeking their opinions on a proposed law aimed at ending polygamy in the state. This initiative was an evident testament to the government's intent to ensure that the legislative decisions resonate with the sentiments of the people of Assam.
In addition to public outreach, the Assam government had set up an expert committee with the mandate to analyze the legislative capability of the Assembly in formulating a law that prohibits polygamy. The findings of this expert committee were conclusive. The report affirmed that the state legislature possesses the competence and authority to enforce a ban on polygamy.
This collaborative approach, combining public consultation with expert insights, underscores the Assam government's methodical and inclusive approach to addressing the intricate issue of polygamy. As the state gears up for potential legislative changes, the involvement of its citizenry and expert panels ensures that the decisions taken are well-informed and reflect the collective will of the people.
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The Underlying Context: Assam's Population Dynamics and its Influence on Governance
In recent times, discussions surrounding demographic changes and their political implications have intensified, particularly in Assam and West Bengal. A notable article penned by Snigdhendu Bhattacharyadown on the platform 'Outlook India' dated 12 May 2023, titled "The Politics Of Demography In Assam And West Bengal", provides valuable insights into this matter, shaping our understanding of the Assam government's recent directives.
At the heart of this narrative is a statement by Mohan Bhagwat, the sarsanghchalak or the head of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which is the ideological-organisational parent of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). During an address in Guwahati, Assam's capital, in July 2021, Bhagwat expressed, “It was a planned idea to increase the population, establish dominance, supremacy, and make this country Pakistan. It was about Punjab and Sindh then, (while) Assam and Bengal are critical now.” This was shortly after the BJP, buoyed by sentiments against "Bangladeshi-Muslim infiltrators", secured its second consecutive term in Assam.
The demographic statistics of Assam further contextualize this narrative. Between 1951 and 2011, Assam witnessed a population growth rate that exceeded the national average. The state recorded a 3.88-fold increase in its populace, growing from 80.28 lakh to 3.12 crore. In contrast, the nation's population saw a 3.35 times growth during the same timeframe. This discrepancy in growth rates led to a significant shift in population density. While Assam's population density was below the national average in 1951, it overtook the national average by 1971. This surge is believed to have played a role in sparking the militant and intense anti-outsider movement in 1979.
Understanding this backdrop is pivotal in comprehending the Assam government's recent decision to regulate second marriages among its employees. The intertwining of demographic shifts, political narratives, and governance decisions highlights the complexities of policy-making in a diverse and dynamic region like Assam.
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The state's demographic evolution, combined with political narratives and the resultant sentiments, have influenced policies and directives. Such decisions are not made in a vacuum; they often stem from a confluence of historical, socio-political, and demographic factors. The Assam government's recent directive on second marriages can be seen as a reflection of this confluence, where governance is intertwined with the broader concerns of identity, population dynamics, and historical legacies.
For over four decades, Assam's political landscape has been deeply influenced by the intricate interplay of population growth, demographic shifts, and electoral implications. The genesis of these concerns can be traced back to the commencement of the anti-outsider agitation in 1979, a movement that spotlighted the rapid population surge and its subsequent consequences on the state's socio-political fabric.
Highlighting the gravity of this issue, a 2012 paper authored by economist Vani Kant Borooah, titled “The Killing Fields of Assam: The Myth and Reality of Its Muslim Immigration”, delves into the intense episodes of anti-immigrant violence that Assam has witnessed. These incidents, primarily though not solely directed against Bengali Muslims, showcase the deep-rooted tensions stemming from demographic changes.
Adding to the complexity, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has been vocal about its concerns related to population growth and demographic transformations, particularly in states like Assam and West Bengal. Their involvement in the Assam agitation became pronounced soon after its inception. In a revealing statement from 1980, then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi informed the Parliament about the RSS's role in exacerbating the situation in Assam, even when local student leaders were inclined towards a resolution. Over the years, the RSS has persistently correlated population growth and the ensuing demographic changes in these states with potential threats to the nation's internal security.
Fast forward to 2021, this perspective was not only limited to the RSS but was shared by both the Central and Assam governments. In a significant move, the Union home ministry, led by Amit Shah, expanded the jurisdiction of the Border Security Force (BSF) in Assam and West Bengal, stretching it from 15 km to a substantial 50 km. Further emphasizing the security implications of these demographic shifts, a paper presented by the Assam Police during the annual Director General of Police conference in November 2021, pointed out the demographic alterations in Assam's districts adjacent to Bangladesh as potential security challenges.
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Recent developments have brought the issue of demographic change in Assam and West Bengal into sharp focus, with national security agencies and the central government taking proactive steps in response to these shifts. Pankaj Kumar Singh, the Director General of the Border Security Force (BSF), voiced his concerns to the media, attributing the Union home ministry's decision to expand the BSF's jurisdiction as a direct response to these demographic changes. Singh emphasized that the demographic equilibrium in states like Assam and West Bengal has been significantly disturbed. Such changes have led to localized agitations, altered the electorate's composition, and amplified security concerns. With the enhanced jurisdiction, the BSF aims to collaborate closely with state police forces to address the issue of infiltration more effectively.
This sentiment was echoed at the National Security Strategies Conference in August 2022. One of the sessions was pointedly titled “Demographic changes and growing radicalisation in border areas”. The conference saw Union Home Minister Amit Shah urging the Director Generals of Police (DGPs) of border states to be vigilant regarding demographic shifts in their respective border districts.
However, it's vital to contextualize these changes within a broader national framework. Assam and Bengal are not unique in experiencing population growth. Several North Indian states, which do not share borders with any foreign nation, have also witnessed substantial population increases. For instance, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, both devoid of borders with Bangladesh, recorded population surges of 3.31-fold and 3.57-fold respectively. Similarly, Madhya Pradesh, which isn't bordered by any foreign country, has seen a 3.9-fold rise in its population.
While Assam and West Bengal have been at the center of discussions around demographic shifts, a closer look at the data reveals some intriguing patterns. Between the years 1971 and 2011, the growth rates of Assam and West Bengal, which stood at 2.13-times and 2.06-times respectively, were actually lower than the national average growth rate of 2.2-times. This challenges some prevailing narratives and highlights the need for a more nuanced understanding of the situation.
In his research paper titled “Immigration and Demographic Transformation of Assam, 1891-1981”, Susanta Krishna Dass delved deeper into Assam's demographic history. He highlighted that Assam's population growth has consistently outpaced the national average since 1891. This trend becomes even more pronounced when Assam's growth rates are juxtaposed with those of other provinces during the period 1901-1951. A particularly striking observation is from the decade 1911-1921. While India experienced a negative population growth rate during this period, Assam bucked the trend, registering a positive growth rate of an impressive 20.48 per cent.
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Despite these statistical realities, the narrative surrounding population growth in Assam has been politically charged for decades. Initially, the agitation was directed against "outsiders", implying Indians from other states. Over time, the narrative shifted, targeting "foreigners", predominantly Bengali Hindus and Muslims from Bangladesh (formerly known as East Pakistan). With the influence of political entities like the BJP and the RSS, the narrative further narrowed down, focusing predominantly on Muslims believed to be of Bangladeshi origin. As a consequence of this evolving political discourse, any Bengali-speaking Muslim in Assam can find themselves under scrutiny.
The demographic dynamics of Assam hold unique implications, chiefly because of a marked increase in the Muslim population, which grew from 24.68 per cent in 1951 to 34.22 per cent in 2011. This rise in the Muslim demographic has been a central point of contention and has significantly influenced the state's political narrative over the years.
The political landscape of Assam has witnessed a significant shift, especially with the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the state. Interestingly, the ascent of the BJP came at the expense of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), a party born out of the Assam agitation. The AGP, once a dominant political force that governed Assam for two terms, faced dwindling fortunes as the new century unfolded. This transition has led many political analysts to perceive it as a manifestation of Hindutva ideologies subsuming an ethnic movement.
Akhil Ranjan Dutta, the head of the political science department at Gauhati University, provides a nuanced perspective on the matter. While he acknowledges the pivotal role of demography and population in influencing Assam's politics, especially in shaping polarized narratives, he cautions against attributing the BJP's ascent solely to demographic factors. Dutta sheds light on the strategic approach of the RSS and the BJP, highlighting their matured, long-term vision. Their endeavors to coalesce various ethnic groups, such as the Bodos and the tea garden communities, under a unified banner have been notable. By ensuring adequate representation for these groups and channeling their concerns against a perceived common adversary, the Bangladeshi Muslims, the BJP and RSS have solidified their political presence in Assam.
Akhil Ranjan Dutta, a political expert, made a pointed observation about the portrayal of Muslims of alleged Bangladeshi origin in Assam. He notes, “Muslims of alleged Bangladesh-origin have been painted not only as an enemy of the party, but also as an enemy of the Assamese nationality, culture, and civilisation.” This portrayal, Dutta suggests, is a strategic move that has allowed political entities to cast this group as an adversary to the broader Assamese identity. Furthermore, Dutta adds that there has been a successful effort to diminish local apprehensions against Bangladeshi-origin Hindus. One of the critical achievements of the BJP, in his view, is their ability to merge polarising politics with enticing economic promises, a combination he describes as "competitive economic populism."
The narrative being woven in Assam finds parallels in West Bengal. The state, known for its diverse cultural tapestry, has seen political entities leverage demographic changes for political gains. West Bengal's population and population density have grown at rates slightly above the national average between 1951 and 2011. Yet, the primary narrative driver has been the increase in the Muslim population share, which grew from 19.85 per cent in 1951 to 27 per cent in 2011. This demographic shift has been attributed by the BJP and the RSS to the “infiltration of Muslims” from Bangladesh. This narrative is not just about numbers; it's tied to the potential political ramifications of such changes. The redefinition or delimitation of assembly constituencies based on population changes has been a significant concern for the Sangh Parivar.
In analyzing these statements, it becomes evident that demographic narratives are potent tools in political strategies. By framing demographic shifts as challenges to cultural and national identity, political entities can mobilize support and consolidate their base. However, it's essential to approach such narratives with a critical lens, understanding the broader socio-political dynamics at play.
In 2009, a significant narrative shift occurred in the political discourse of West Bengal, led by voices within the BJP. Mohit Ray, a stalwart of the Bengal BJP, penned a comprehensive article that year, detailing the effects of delimitation on the state's electoral map. He observed that the recent delimitation process had resulted in Muslim-majority districts gaining more assembly seats, seemingly at the expense of Hindu-majority districts. This observation provided a springboard for the saffron camp's subsequent campaigns.
Following the 2011 Census, the BJP intensified its campaign in West Bengal. They framed the state's demographic changes with a provocative narrative, suggesting that West Bengal was on the path to becoming “West Bangladesh”. This narrative was not just rhetorical but had tangible electoral outcomes.
The 2019 Lok Sabha elections provided evidence of the BJP's growing influence in the state. Despite being traditionally considered strongholds for other parties due to their significant Muslim populations, the BJP secured victories in key districts. The party clinched the sole Lok Sabha seat in the Muslim-majority Uttar Dinajpur district and one out of two seats in another Muslim-majority district, Malda. These victories showcased the BJP's ability to make inroads into regions that were once seen as impregnable for them.
Looking forward, the saffron camp has set its sights on Murshidabad, a district where Muslims constitute approximately two-thirds of the population. With three Lok Sabha seats up for grabs, Murshidabad is poised to be a political battleground. The BJP's commitment to this district is evident, with Amit Shah, a key figure in the party, scheduled to address a public rally there in May. This event is not just a routine political gathering but is perceived as the launchpad for the party's preparations for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
In conclusion, West Bengal's demographic and political landscape continues to evolve. The interplay between population dynamics and electoral strategies highlights the state's complex socio-political fabric and the ever-changing nature of Indian politics.
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